DEHATI DUNIYA:CENTENARY
DISCOURSE
The Cultural Traditions of
Bihar and its Dehati Duniya
Dr Anamika
Delhi University
I.
Tamil-speaking critics often
use tinai or landscape as the standard for evaluating a cultural geography.
Their belief is that literary traditions are shaped by landscape—and that there
are five basic kinds: under the shadow of mountains (kurinji), in forest
regions (mullai), by riverbanks (maruthal), by the seashore (neithal), or in
desert stretches (palai).
Now, in Bihar we do not really
have mountains, sea, or desert. We only have some rivers, a few small
forests—mostly toward Champaran. Otherwise there are broken bridges and damaged
roads, like fractured lines on a palm, reminding us that something was meant to
be built but remained unfinished. What we do have are memories and inherited
echoes—oral traces and sub-traditions that splash around in the linguistic
subconscious of our writers, lifting into new rhythms and melodious songs like those of Mahua Ghatwarin.
Yes, our linguistic
subconscious is very deep and extraordinarily abundant. Therefore, the writers
of Bihar are full of resonances: echoes of many linguistic rivers, and all of
them flow across a broad philosophical plain.
Maithili, Bajjika, Bhojpuri,
Magahi, Angika; before them Sanskrit, Pali, Apabhramsha/Avahatta; and in later
years, in their own distinctive ways, English, Persian, and Urdu too. Those
surprised to hear English included should look at The Travels of Dean
Mahomet, a Native of Patna in (then in Bengal). It is the remarkable travel
account of a cook-barber-attendant employed by the East India Company. Writing
letters in English to an imaginary friend, Dean Mahomet uses a language
enriched not only by many Indian tongues but by Irish as well, since he
eventually settled in Ireland with his Irish wife. Yet his childhood had been
spent in Patna—which his book’s title still places in Bengal.
Just as the moon may once have
spun away from the earth in some cosmic dance of speed, so in 1912 Odisha and
Bihar were separated from the fertile lands of Bengal and I am not clear in my
head what expedited the separation:
people’s search of distinct identity or
the administrative convenience of ‘divide and rule’. Whatever may have
been the latent cause,despite separation, their gravitational pull upon each
other remained.
Nevertheless, the Bengali
renaissance and the Bihari renaissance can be clearly distinguished, especially
on the question of women. Partha Chatterjee speaks of the ‘drawing-room
presence’ of Bengali women. In Ghare Baire, Bimala’s husband wants to
create in her a golden union of Savitri and Portia. He himself introduces her
to his revolutionary friend—in the drawing room.But how many homes in Bihar
even had such drawing rooms?
The gatherings of Raja
Radhikaraman Prasad Singh and others were mostly masculine assemblies.
Occasionally the Raja Saheb would go inside and return after receiving advice
from the women’s quarters. Elsewhere in the province, in places like
Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga, where public awakening had begun and presses like
Narayani Press were established, meetings were usually held either in libraries
or in the front courtyard of homes, with a charpoy or low platform laid out.
Often only a rug would be spread there, and the presence of women would be
registered indirectly—through crochet work or embroidered cloth on the table.
From the letters Shivpoojan
Sahay wrote to his third wife, it becomes clear that although wives, sisters,
and mothers were kept informed about the movements of the nation, the dramatic
Ghare Baire-like crisis of female participation had not yet arrived here.
That moment came in the
post-Chhayavad era, when Universities came into being and all-night poetry
gatherings and people’s theatre began creating an extraordinary spectacle of
awakening in Bihar. In the wandering, ascetic-traveller spirit of Mahendar Misir
and Bhikhari Thakur, poets and theatre troupes moved from village to village,
town to town, spreading not only messages of social consciousness but also,
through love songs, teaching men how to
understand the feelings of their partners and how to treat them as a buddy, a
pal ( sangini) who could dream and work together towards the vision of a more
equitable society (‘bhookha n rahe koi/ pyasa n soye koi/ tanha n hanse koi/
tanha n roye koi/ sabki jeet- haar ko hum bant len/ ansuon ki dhaar ko hum bant
len’)
I would like to read the
finest lyric poets of that era in this light. How should one treat women , what actually pleases their heart
and boosts their confidence, grants them a say both in the private and
public spheres : all the lyricists seem to be pondering over it. The folk
theatre artists too seem to be
imparting this kind of moral-spiritual
training to men (especially Bhikhari Thakur through revolutionary works like
‘Gabarghichor’).
Till this day, even among
the contemporary writers , the most
moving are those whose folk consciousness is highly developed, a consciousness that identifies with the poor,
the deprived, and women,the most marginalised among the marginalised . This empathy had an
undercurrent of political awareness which only very few notice .
Having taught and read world
literature for many years, especially literature from conflict zones, one thing
has settled firmly within me: the longer the history of political exploitation
in a region, the richer its literature becomes—especially when the linguistic
subconscious of the land carries deep cultural resonances from both classical
and folk sources.
This is true in Germany,
Poland, Iran, Russia—and in India, especially Bihar, which in some sense is
India’s prototype. The image that the world holds of India is often the same
image India holds of Bihar: culturally rich, economically and politically shattered ,a land with neither patron ahead nor tether
behind.
So I was saying: whether in
prose or in poetry, the truly important contemporary writers of Bihar are those
whose consciousness has been shaded by the sacred grove of local languages.
Their poetic images, fictional characters, and locales come from there; so does
the flavor of dialogue in poetry, fiction, and drama. Yet their outlook is
universal, pluralistic, and many-sided. This has been possible also
because of the peaceful—and sometimes conflict-ridden—coexistence of
many philosophical systems.Because philosophy is the backbone of literature,
the more philosophical traditions, life-ways, and literary inheritances a
region contains, the more pluralistic it becomes.
In Tirhut, the disciplined
sharpness of Navya-Nyaya logic and the ecstatic emotion of Vaishnava devotion
sit together on the same branch like the paired birds of the Upanishads—one
eating the fruit, the other watching. Therefore the major poets and storytellers
of that region reflect both visions.
In Magadh, Anga, Rajgriha,
Nalanda, Vikramshila, Pawapuri , Bodhgaya and elsewhere, the influence of Jain
and Buddhist thought runs so deep that not only writers, but even the little
birds seem bathed in the ashes of Nalanda’s library, set on fire by a crazy
invader, which kept burning for years together. In a Magahi folk song an
expecting woman hears a panduk bird
singing with sublime detachment:
Kuhu ku, kuhu ku, a son was
born—he died.
A daughter born—survived (as
if both the news bites
are bad news of the same
magnitude)
In the belt of Saran,
Champaran, and Bhojpur, however, one sees less of Buddhist or Jain influence,
and more of Nath yogis, Gorakhpanthis, Aghoris, and Sufis. Their presence is
audible in the literature there.Among writers of Vaishali,
Buddha remains alive—and so do the theris (Buddhist nuns). Yet alongside them
live Naths, Gorakhpanthis, Aghoris, and Sufis too.
My own childhood, and that of
many contemporaries, bears witness to this. Every now and then wandering
Gorakhpanthi mendicants or Aghori fakirs would appear at our door. We girls
would be sent inside, but the older women of the household would gather around
them and share with them all their
sorrows and joys. After a full meal, they would sing to the accompaniment of a
one-stringed instrument. Many of those verses are still remembered. The
priceless gem I received there in my early years is a line from Gorakh :
Don’t speak brazenly
do not ever walk with thumping
feet
place your feet gently,
tenderly
(habaki n boliba/ thapaki n
chaliba/
dheere rakhiba panv)
Besides this, sayings brought
by minorities and migrants from other regions—especially Bengalis, Punjabis,
Khatris, Sindhis, and Marwaris—along with folk plays, masquerades, dance songs,
legends, and heroic ballads current among the Dalits, women, and Adivasis, have
all helped writers create new counter-memory narratives of indigenous
modernity.
The westerly wind has also
played a great role—especially Marx, who reached us through translations and
academic circles. Once when I was teaching ‘Ode to the West Wind’ in class, it
suddenly struck me that Marx too touched
Indian soil with the gusto of the West wind .
Shelley’s west wind reaches dry soil—stirring and caressing the earth
till the mouths of newly planted seeds open. India was not a dry soil and the
new plants here were growing in the space between huge trees of the native
soil, still the West Wind in Marx did play a role. It scattered new seeds in
academic circles and in remote areas at least where wholetimers held classes
where they helped the peasants dream big , rise against the oppressors without
minding the use of weapons which
Gandhijed had warned against .
Yes, we must acknowledge that
even Marx gave the soil of Bihar an intimate touch, a sense of collective power
which made especially the landless labour walk tall in remote districts. But
Gandhi—and before him Buddha and Mahavira—had influenced the land so deeply
that faith in resolving issues through dialogue never broke.
Rahul Sankrityayan angrily
wrote in Dimaagi Ghulami that Bihar was Gandhi’s ‘sole empire’. But the
matter goes deeper than Gandhi—it reaches the annals of Shastrarthas in the
early years and the dialogic tradition of
Buddha and Mahavira in the later .The best thing about Mahavira
and Buddha is that they engaged not only opponents but also people in
general through open dialogue, sometimes vocal, sometimes silent, as literature
itself does.The people remembered this
tradition. Writers remembered it. Politicians forgot it completely.
Although Bihar was separated
from the Province of Bengal only on March 22,1912 (with Odisha still attached,
Patna serving as their joint capital), the spirit of ‘walk alone’ never became
a part of its public consciousness. Whether due to peasant culture or Buddha’s
monastic collectivism, people took decisions sitting together around fires and
hearths.
Joint families had not yet
completely broken apart. The Bhoodan movement and the land consolidation and
the small industry movement prompted by Lohiya and his men were still alive.
Those who went away for work usually left wives and children under the care of
parents or elder siblings.
At Sonepur, a ‘Summer School
of Politics’ was once held where students and teachers of the newly formed
Bihar University could directly meet figures like Jayaprakash Narayan,
Phanishwarnath Renu, and Sachchidanand Sinha.At the same time, in the fields north
of the Ganga and the forest tracts of southern Bihar (now Jharkhand), workers
of CPI and CPM were helping peasants and labourers understand the grammar of
their rights.
In short, the atmosphere was
this: for the newly independent nation, freedom was not a picnic but part of an
unfinished project, and all parties were trying in their own ways to complete
it. The era of vulgar individualism had not yet arrived. The spirit of
collective thinking—and of deciding on behalf of the most afflicted citizen—was
still alive.
Even in my own conscious
years, people would read newspapers like The Searchlight ,the Aryavart,
The Indian Nation, and Aaj
together, and magazines like Dharmyug, Saptahik Hindustan, Sarika, Dinman, and
Ravivar too were shared by families in the neighbourhood. Their copies
reached the reading rooms (vachanalayas / reading rooms of public libraries)
Editorials were discussed not only at
crossroads but inside homes. Letters to the editor were regularly written by a
literate public that may be called the Bihari bhadralok—though this Bihari
elite was quite different from the Bengali one.
Raja Radhikaraman Prasad’s
Surajpur Estate, Darbhanga Raj, Shikarpur Estate, Dumraon Estate, and several
other estates supported journals and magazines. Some Khatri landlords too
contributed greatly to Bihar’s cultural awakening.
The neighbourhood where our
house stood had once been the land owned by a Khatri landlord named Bachcha
Babu. My parents bought this land with their savings in the provident fund and had a beautiful house designed by the
civil engineer Ramchandra Babu, architect
of many famous cinema halls in Bihar.
My parents’s guru Pandit Hazari Prasad Dwivedi had come for the house
warming ceremony . I was too young to remember his presence in the house but
there is still a photograph of my
brother and me holding Dwivedi ji’s finger right in front of the newly built
house that father chose to call ‘Aniket’.
At Bachcha Babu’s bungalow
lived the renowned classical musician, Sitaram Hariram Dandekar, whose radio
broadcasts people heard with the same devotion with which they listened to
dramas like Loha Singh and those all-night poetry gatherings.The lyrics sung and the poems recited in those poetry conventions were sketching
the shared dream of a new dawn for the
country—in a ‘new Hindi’ very close to everyday speech.
Besides this, the
English-educated Biharis too formed part of this Bihari public elite—the very
people whose efforts enabled Bihar and Odisha to separate from Bengal and
establish a distinct identity. Among them were Sachchidanand Sinha, Mukesh
Narayan, Syed Hasan Imam, Mazharul Haq, Deep Narayan Singh, Rajendra Prasad,
and Shri Krishna Singh.Through their efforts Bihar
University was later founded alongside Patna University. Many Oxford and
Cambridge educated scholars were appointed there, including J. B. Kripalani.Patna University then had only
four colleges in Patna itself; the colleges of district headquarters—from
Muzaffarpur, Gaya, and Bhagalpur to Ranchi—were part of Bihar University,
headquartered in Muzaffarpur.Because Muzaffarpur had long been Bihar’s largest
cloth market, it had developed a cosmopolitan society. Large numbers of Khatri,
Bengali, Punjabi, and Marwari families formed part of the broader social fabric
there.
It was here that Bihar’s
Narayani Press stood, where Chandrakanta Santati first began to be printed. The
Hindi enthusiast, Ayodhya Prasad Khatri also belonged to Muzaffarpur. This city
of Sufi shrines had long cherished the dream of a shared culture.
Therefore poets of that
era—Kedarnath Mishra Prabhat , Gopal Singh Nepali,Dinkar, Janaki Vallabh
Shastri, Shyamnandan Kishore,Poddar Ramavtar Arun , Rajendra Prasad Singh,
Rajendra Kishore, Shanti Suman , Buddhinath Mishra, Gopivallabha Sahay and
others—drew the moral geography of their poetry
from that shared cultural soil where women, backward castes, and
labourers had already become central subjects of thought long before identity
politics matured.
‘Be a farmer in body, an
emperor in mind’
(tan se kisan aur man se
samrat ban/ tulit rakh dimag-deh, admi virat ban) -says Kavi Kishore in one of
his famous lyrics.Search for balance and equipoise was the hallmark of the day.
II.
DEHATI DUNIYA : 2026
Though Dehati Duniya
was written earlier, it was published first in 1926 and remained in continuous
publication, even as a prescribed literary text in the universities, during the
fifties and sixties.This was the time when all over the world fiction had had a
definite shift towards ‘metropolitan perception’. This shift, visible both on
the national and international horizon, was a result of urban living that
exposed writers to overwhelmingly lonely crowds and cosmopolitan connections.
This was also the time when
Hindi fiction too had acquired an inward glance at life, picking on
conversations in coffee houses, drawing rooms, motels and bedrooms. While it
had not rid itself of public commitments, the focus rested on forms and
structures, as Stephen Spender comments: ‘The Moderns are therefore those who
start off by thinking that human nature has changed; or if not human nature,
then the relationship of the individual to the environment, forever being
metamorphosed. This change, recorded by the seismographic senses of the artist,
has also to change all relations within arrangements of words or marks on
canvas which make a poem or novel, or painting.’(The Struggle of the Modern,
University of California Press, Berkley and Los Angeles, 1963)
Many of Shivpoojan Sahay’s and
even Renu’s stories begin with real life characters’ requests to write and
draft all that they have suffered. Can writing be the real empowerment of inner
resources? Both Sahay and Renu leave us grappling with the big question and
disappear among their unforgettably
charming characters.
The array of their fictional
characters includes the subaltern, some even from what had once been called
‘fuzzy communities’ like those of sadhus and tantrikas, faquirs, jogi -
batohiyas ,indistinct groupings with neither internal cohesion nor well-known
externalities. The Hindi spoken by them and even the inmates of the
village is the kind that thrives at the
village chaupals, wrestling arenas (akhadas), public fireplaces (alaavs),
shrines, nearby railway stations, bus
stops and fields extending to Panchayats, Primary Health Centres, nautanki and
swang performances, and the village-haat even today . These characters live in
an India that is both an idea and a reality or,
perhaps, a reality in the making—a poor country, bleeding and
half-awakened, still rubbing its eyes, adjusting to light and freedom, to the
ideals of equality and plurality, gradually coming to the realization that
freedom matters! By now people seem to have come to realize that national pride
is neither a dispensable thought nor an intangible proposition, and political
and economic sovereignty is never showered from above, it blooms within the
folds of constant struggle and sacrifice
Nirmal Varma, a major Hindi
author of the sixties,believed , quite in tune with Stephen Spender, that an
author’s relationship to the word and to his chosen form, rather than his
stated ideas on philosophy, most clearly reveals his morality, his system of
values, and the integrated vision of the world…. Nirmal’s choice of words, his
relationship with words, was entirely different. He was urbane and oblique and
he did not opt for the kind of range and variety, opulence and strength of
language that he credits writers like Sahay and Renu for, perhaps because his
bit of experience was literally a ‘class’ apart! Temperament and language are
offshoots of the moral geography that goes into one’s making. Heathcliffian
gusto and Lintonian charm would definitely be worlds apart!
The tilt that the characters
of Sahay and Renu grant to idioms obstinately block the way of all who dare
translate them. It is some kind of a picketing, I must say, a real Asahyog
Andolan where words lie down flat to block the way of the translator artist. I
always wondered how those deeply rooted ‘kavitts’ and limericks could be
rendered in an alien tongue , but in translating Dehati Duniya , Dr BSM
Murty has succeeded in retaining the idiomatic vigour of the sayings that give
each dialogue in the novella a distinct flavour. To my mind, he has also done
justice to the text because he is still in live touch with the twists and turns
of the language that the subaltern in his part of the world speaks.
Even a single word contains a
world. On the same line of thought, Dehati Duniya is itself a world—not
merely a microcosm, but a complete universe in its own right. As we enter the
universe of this village-world, we realize that it is not even a ‘gram’ or
countryside in the idyllic sense of the term:
Bharat Mata gramvasini,/ Mitti ki pratima udaasini.
Pant had referred to India as
a mother with a sad smile on her face. This mother does not look like one in
flesh and blood, alive and beaming, but like her sad depiction in an idol of
clay (‘mitti ki pratima udasini’) The women in this ethnographic
novel are sad, no doubt, but not in the passive sense of the term. They know
how to fight their way out, and despite repeated failures, they do not give up.
They may appear to be ‘models in clay’, but they are not lifeless figures.
This goes without saying that
the Permanent Settlement, revenue imposition, and the cruel implementation of
colonial administration in Bihar and the Central Provinces of British India had
struck the village subalterns very hard. The organic community structure had
crumbled completely, and human beings had been reduced to replaceable units in
a vast feudal and colonially engineered network.
Women in such an exploitative
system are the worst victims, for they are caught in a triple bind—the bind not
only of class and caste exploitation, but also of gendered violence. The fate
of Budhiya and Sugia is in some ways worse than that of Tess in Hardy’s novel.
Hardy gives Tess such a larger-than-life dimension that she ceases to remain
merely a milkmaid. Especially in the second half of the novel she becomes a
symbolic representation of womanhood. I shall refer to just one incidence where
soon after the lonely burial of her child born out of the wedlock, Tess seems
one with the universe:
The same sun shone on her,the
same stars winked at her.The green world was with her, not against her.She
looked as though she belonged to the valley,and not the valley to her.
In Dehati Duniya, Budhia
and her daughter Sugia may be younger than Tess in years, but they have seen
the rougher edges of the world. Though not ‘innocent’ in the Blakean sense of
the term, they possess a clear conscience. Experience has not yet led them into
moral degradation.
Both have endured incompatible
marriages. They have been sold to older men—Budhia to a rich zamindar and Sugia
to a thief. Yet they resist. At least they leave no stone unturned in
articulating that they are not content in their imposed situations. Despite
this discontent, when the local daroga throws hints at Sugia that she should
betray her husband and turn to his favours, she comes up with a big ‘no’ and
then, to win her over, the daroga sedates her by mixing ‘bhang’ in the ‘burfi’.
Sahay depicts the whole scene with the tenderness of a poet.Yes, poetically,
Shivpoojan Babu describes those tough moments when ultimately Sugia takes the
right stand against temptations of all kinds proffered by the daroga.
Adjusting her veil, in a choked voice, Sugia said –
What can I say now? I have my hands pressed under a stone already. If it were
not so destined, why would I be tied as a mute cow like this at the peg of a
butcher. What does it matter for a hapless farmer, whether it’s a drought or if
his bullock dies? I am a doomed, cursed person. God has given me beauty as He
has given fire in wood. Just as wood burns with its own fire, I am burning in
my own beauty. God decorated all the limbs of the peacock with His own hands,
but ruined its feet so badly, that in despair of their ugliness it eats the
poisonous serpent, and would yet not die! What is poison for the world becomes
nectar for the luckless. I had taken poison and still death evaded me. My enemy
had given me a poison he had bought for sixteen hundred rupees, but it didn’t
even make me unconscious, or even give me the slightest headache! God has not
written deliverance for me on my forehead.
Earlier in the novel, when
Budhia is not allowed by Ghooran Singh, the door keeper, to enter into the main Haveli of the zamindar
Ramtahal Singh, who had taken her as a ‘kept’, she asserts her right by confronting the
zamindar’s old mother:
Making a
weird face, Budhia said – Whatever you say, I’ll not get up from here. Only he,
if he be the true son of his own father – only he’ll come here to make me get
up. And then I’ll pluck out his beard. And if he doesn’t walk on a straight
path, I’ll dishonour him before the entire village. I’ll drag him to the court,
and make him take an oath before the hakim with gangajal in hand, and also
holding a cow’s tail and a peepal leaf in his hand. When before a court full of
witnesses, his turban will fall from his head, then he’ll remember the
pleasures of having a kept. He’ll forget all the tricks he is playing now when,
hands bound in hand-cuffs, the lal-pagdi constable
will drag him to the darkness of the prison. And I will put a noose round my
neck here! And then when the thanedar comes and
starts counting coins like jhinga fish, then his
eye-balls will blow out!
Budhia’s
words truly frightened Babu Saheb’s old mother. She thought –…if
Budhia poisoned heself or drowned herself in a well, Ramtahal would surely be
imprisoned.Wise it would be to settle things at this very stage! Otherwise it
may become a mountain of a molehill, as they say – “From a pin-prick to a
carbuncle”. And then it will become a big
insoluble problem. Wise people must pull their hands out of such tricky
problems as early as possible. When she is ready to play with her life, she can
go to any extent. As they say - “What would a dying man not do to live, and a living
man not do to survive?” Budhia could now do any nasty
thing, so as to put us all to extreme disgrace and ruination. So,it’ll now be
best to keep her in the haveli itself.
Mahadei, zamindar Ramtahal’s
wedded wife, on the other hand, is oppressed by her own people: her father
Manbahal who sold her to the zamindar, her husband, her mother-in-law and the
zamindar’s ‘kept’ woman Budhia - but then
she doesn’t take their oppressive behaviour lying down, and when she
speaks, strange voices arise from the depth of her body and the recesses of her
lungs like water gurgling beneath the ground . This language has the force of
libido lying compressed in a life unperformed. Like Budhia and Sugia, Mahadei,
too, draws strength from inner resources. Aggrieved of Ramtahal’s illicit
relations with Budhia, a harried Mahadei refuses to enter into her sick husband’s
room, at which the irritated old mother of Ramtahal Singh said with contempt:
‘Fine then—don’t go, don’t
look. What difference will it make if you neither go nor see? Are there marks
of Sudarshan Chakra on your feet, that merely by going there you would cure his
illness? Is there some pitcher of nectar in your glance that will revive him if
you make him drink it? Don’t go—perhaps the soles of your feet may get soiled!
But tell me this instead: what great wrong has he done to you that you still
cannot forget it? Rather, count yourself fortunate that you found a
straightforward, decent man like my son. Otherwise, a woman of such bad fortune
as you might never have been married at all.
At this Mahadei barked - So, keep quiet now, and stop
your babbling. I can see the fire of love burning so furiously in your heart
for your son. But then why not you go yourself and get the bhabhoot ritual done
there? Why do you want me there? And if I’m so fallen and mean, what are you, a
goddess?
Just then Gobardhan came out
of Babu Saheb’s room and entering into Mahadei’s, he said – Let it go, Chachi,
be quiet. I myself will go and persuade bhauji. Now, it’s not necessary for her
to go into that room.
Shivpoojan
Babu does not convert Budhiya and Sugia into
larger-than-life heroines, nor are they idealized embodiments of womanhood in
the Tessian sense. But they possess the dignity of women who survive against
odds.
To my mind, if Tess has the luminosity of the singular
woman in the paintings of Raja Ravi Varma, Budhiya and Sugni have the vibrant ,
collective presence of the women in the paintings of Amrita Sher-Gil.Reading
their mini narratives woven in the tapestry of the patriarchal village
world,one recalls Shergill’s women
seated in small groups—on a parapet, in a village chaupal, in the angan, at the
threshold, or under a tree in after the daylong
chores . Their dignity lies in a quiet gaze that knows how to say” no”,
and in the wisdom to recognize suffering as suffering without ceasing to give
it a tough fight
A cardinal virtue of the novella is its
acknowledgement of ordinary life as lived by the people in the villages of
British India. It will always be remembered for its living relationships—for
the intimate connection of people with the soil, and with that elementary moral
awareness within themselves which we call conscience.
Under the pressure of circumstance, conscience may
recede for a time, but there is something in the novella that suggests
that it will keep rising again and
again, as it does in memorable human characters, especially the women
characters whose language betray the force of lightning and rain . They are the
ones who raise some hope in the mind of the narrator. He sees them alone as the
agents of change .
Compared to the women of Bengal and Maharashtra, the epicentres of Renaissance in
India, these women from the dehatee duniya may be different but they have s
fire of their own .
On the whole, the
work traces the petty vanities, ostentations, and complacent values of
bourgeois respectability.Just as Hardy explores the strange and unfathomable
equation of will and necessity and the intransigence of the human will, Sahay
focuses on the comfortless humdrum of small lives lived in small villages :the
anxieties, terrors, follies, afflictions, peace, derisions, and indecisions of
forgotten people with nowhere to go and nothing to spend or defend themselves
with and he does it in way that even his minor characters become the permanent citizens of our imagination.
(C) Anamika
[ Dehati Duniya by Shivpoojan Sahay was first published in 1926, and in this Centenary year 2026 an English translation of the novel for a broader readership ( done by Dr BSM Murty) is shortly to be published, along with its special Centenary Hindi edition with new photographs and additional critical material, as well as in the form of an E-Book in Hindi narration. A new series of articles and features shall also be published on our blogs - VAGISHWARI and MURTYMUSE. Necessary notifications shall also be published about all related activities as they are projectedin this centenary year. Comments of our blog readers are solicited and welcome in this regard.
An extract giving more material about the novel from the English monograph of Acharya Shivpoojan Sahay by Dr BSM Murty (published by Shitya Akademi) is also being simultaneously published on our other blog - vagishwari.blogspot.com. Readers of these blogs are requested to keep in touch with these blog posts in the following months of the centenary year and record their comments. -Ed.]